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The realization of the Ātman, or Atmajñāna, is Sanātana Dharma’s highest possible Ādhyātmika attainment – with Atmajñāna comes the decisive Vedāntic realization that Ātman and Brahman is one single consciousness. The true Ādhyātmika life of Sanātana Dharma is integral and practical, not idealistic or escapist. Sanātana Dharma, as a darśhana, has always been dynamic and evolutionary; there are no regulating body for the Dharma deciding on the heresies, and blasphemies etc. (These words / practices don’t find any mention in any of the dharmic texts) Being Ādhyātmika, a practicing Sanātani must also be a practicing yogi, one whose life is an unbroken pursuit of the one Self in all. Wherever and whenever the Yogi has been eclipsed by the priest or the scholar, Sanātana Dharma has degenerated into ritual and dogma.  

This nation-state framework introduces democratic and governance issues, including the unequal value of votes across states. For instance, a vote in Kerala may carry 1.8 times the weight of a vote in Rajasthan, contradicting the principle of equal vote value. This discrepancy enhances the influence of larger states over smaller ones, creating a democratic imbalance.

History is not just about the past—it is also a mirror for the present. Agnitandav of 1948 recounts a chapter of India’s history that many would prefer to forget: the wave of violence that engulfed Brahmin families in Maharashtra following Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination. The events may be over seven decades old, but their lessons remain deeply relevant in today’s India, where caste tensions, political manipulation, and social divides still simmer. Remembering 1948 is not about reopening wounds—it is about ensuring that such wounds are never inflicted again.

Sanātana Dharma reflects a certain darśhana around Jñāna (Jñāna is the realization by direct cognition that in this changing universe there is nothing but Chaitanya that is consciousness, that is of the form of the seer and the seen, pervading all things, that is the same in all) and Bodhā (consciousness). All of Sanātana darśhana moves towards the dissolution of duality, and what dissolves is not duality but the ‘perception’ of duality. Sanātana darśhana is not monistic but is based on oneness of being in and through all differentiations and diversities, where none of the differentiation and diversity is lost in the oneness. The oneness of Sanātana Dharma is not mathematical but ontological, a spiritual experience and realization of Tad Ekam (That One). 

cience represents a rigorous and systematic pursuit of knowledge that encompasses the observation, analysis, and comprehension of the natural world. Its ultimate goal is to apply the insights gained through this process to exert some control over the physical universe, enhancing our understanding and improving our daily lives. Unlike many disciplines, in which personal biases or societal pressures may be present, science operates independently of social and economic factors that often shape the experiences of researchers and practitioners.

Through its methodical approach, science works to unveil the layers of hypocrisy, cant, and prejudice that can cloud human judgment and decision-making. It seeks to eliminate obscurantism—the deliberate withholding of knowledge or facts—and emotion-driven responses, and to promote a framework built on logical reasoning and objective analysis. This emphasis on rationality enables us to navigate complex questions and challenges by prioritising evidence and peer-reviewed findings over personal beliefs or societal constructs.

ndia’s democratic journey is often celebrated for its diversity, vibrancy, and resilience. Yet beneath the surface of elections, campaigns, and policy debates lies a persistent reality: caste continues to shape politics. Even decades after independence, the echoes of caste-based mobilization, favouritism, and rivalry influence how communities vote, how leaders are chosen, and how development reaches—or bypasses—certain groups.

When we speak of India’s democracy, the word “representation” carries both hope and tension. From the earliest days of independence, the idea of who deserves to lead—and on what basis—has been a contested question. The debates of today, where caste identities and vote banks dominate headlines, are not new. In fact, they trace back to the very aftermath of 1947.

While the partition foregrounded religious divisions, a parallel strategy was already being seeded: the use of caste as a lever for political power. If Muslims were to become a consolidated vote bank in the new India, caste arithmetic was the other axis on which political fortunes could be recalibrated. It was a shift that, in 1948, turned deadly.

Agnitandav of 1948, my book, revisits the other side of this forgotten chapter—not the strategies of power, but the suffering of the innocent who paid the price when caste became a dangerous weapon in the hands of politics.

Reasonable discussion among the educated classes in India seems to be veering around to the inevitability of a break-up of Pakistan within the next three to five years. The exact time does not matter, and what is more meaningful is that a country that was set up as a client of the West, has since transformed itself as a rentier state, a garrison for hire, a cricket team with a country attached, an army with a country attached, a non-country, a collapsed state, a Muslim seminary, a poverty wracked land with a ruined riverine system that was the grain bowl of a country that was ahead of India in most economic indicators till 2000.

Over the last few years, I've encountered these common questions from Indian citizens about delimitation, something most of us hadn’t even heard of a few years ago. I started writing some short articles about this around a decade ago, and my latest book, “India: Science, Politics, Geostrategy” from Garuda Press, assesses them with the wisdom of hindsight. The essence of my argument is that correct delimitation can occur only if the states of India are roughly equal in size, meaning we have around 75 states, each with a population of approximately two crore.

Some events are remembered, taught, and commemorated. Others are quietly buried, their lessons left untold. The caste-driven violence of 1948 belongs to the second kind—an episode that scarred communities but slipped through the cracks of official memory.

The Vedas, created thousands of years ago, do not owe their authority to anybody, they are themselves the authority, being eternal. They were never written, never created, they have existed throughout time; just as creation is infinite and eternal, without beginning and without end. And this knowledge is what is meant by the Vedas. ‘Śruti’ and ‘Smṛti’ in ancient laws are the source of guidance. ‘Śruti’ is apauruṣeyā, "not made of a man" but revealed to the Rishis, and regarded as having the highest authority; while the ‘Smṛti’ are manmade and have secondary authority. ‘Smṛti’, "that which is remembered", are a body of Bhartiya texts attributed to an author, traditionally written down, in contrast to ‘Śruti’ (the Vedic literature) considered authorless, that were transmitted verbally across the generations and fixed. 

The partition of British India ranks among the most cynical and coldly calculated acts inflicted by a European colonial power as it surrendered the jewel in its imperial crown in 1947. The British have been known to draw lines on the world map to suit their economic, military and geostrategic interests, and call the divided bits countries. In most cases, these lines were drawn with diabolical foresight to keep the resulting countries prone to internal and external infighting.